Persons of the Dialogue:
Socrates; Crito.
Scene:
The Prison of Socrates
Socrates.
Why have you come at this hour, Crito? it must be quite early.
Crito.
Yes, certainly.
Soc.
What is the exact time?
Cr.
The dawn is breaking.
Soc.
I wonder the keeper of the prison would let you in.
Cr.
He knows me because I often come, Socrates; moreover. I have done him a
kindness.
Soc.
And are you only just come?
Cr.
No, I came some time ago.
Soc.
Then why did you sit and say nothing, instead of awakening me at once?
Cr.
Why, indeed, Socrates, I myself would rather not have all this sleeplessness and
sorrow. But I have been wonder- ing at your peaceful slumbers, and that was the
reason why I did not awaken you, because I wanted you to be out of pain. I have
always thought you happy in the calmness of your temperament; but never did I
see the like of the easy, cheerful way in which you bear this calamity.
Soc.
Why, Crito, when a man has reached my age he ought not to be repining at the
prospect of death.
Cr.
And yet other old men find themselves in similar misfortunes, and age does not
prevent them from repining.
Soc.
That may be. But you have not told me why you come at this early hour.
Cr.
I come to bring you a message which is sad and painful; not, as I believe, to
yourself but to all of us who are your friends, and saddest of all to me.
Soc.
What! I suppose that the ship has come from Delos, on the arrival of which I am
to die?
Cr.
No, the ship has not actually arrived, but she will probably be here to-day, as
persons who have come from Sunium tell me that they have left her there; and
therefore to-morrow, Socrates, will be the last day of your life.
Soc.
Very well, Crito; if such is the will of God, I am willing; but my belief is
that there will be a delay of a day.
Cr.
Why do you say this?
Soc.
I will tell you. I am to die on the day after the arrival of the ship?
Cr.
Yes; that is what the authorities say.
Soc.
But I do not think that the ship will be here until to-morrow; this I gather
from a vision which I had last night, or rather only just now, when you
fortunately allowed me to sleep.
Cr.
And what was the nature of the vision?
Soc.
There came to me the likeness of a woman, fair and comely, clothed in white
raiment, who called to me and said: O Socrates,
"The third day hence, to Phthia shalt thou go."
Cr.
What a singular dream, Socrates!
Soc.
There can be no doubt about the meaning Crito, I think.
Cr.
Yes: the meaning is only too clear. But, O! my beloved Socrates, let me entreat
you once more to take my advice and escape. For if you die I shall not only lose
a friend who can never be replaced, but there is another evil: people who do not
know you and me will believe that I might have saved you if I had been willing
to give money, but that I did not care. Now, can there be a worse disgrace than
this -- that I should be thought to value money more than the life of a friend?
For the many will not be persuaded that I wanted you to escape, and that you
refused.
Soc.
But why, my dear Crito, should we care about the opinion of the many? Good men,
and they are the only persons who are worth considering, will think of these
things truly as they happened.
Cr.
But do you see. Socrates, that the opinion of the many must be regarded, as is
evident in your own case, because they can do the very greatest evil to anyone
who has lost their good opinion?
Soc.
I only wish, Crito, that they could; for then they could also do the greatest
good, and that would be well. But the truth is, that they can do neither good
nor evil: they cannot make a man wise or make him foolish; and whatever they do
is the result of chance.
Cr.
Well, I will not dispute about that; but please to tell me, Socrates, whether
you are not acting out of regard to me and your other friends: are you not
afraid that if you escape hence we may get into trouble with the informers for
having stolen you away, and lose either the whole or a great part of our
property; or that even a worse evil may happen to us? Now, if this is your fear,
be at ease; for in order to save you, we ought surely to run this or even a
greater risk; be persuaded, then, and do as I say.
Soc.
Yes, Crito, that is one fear which you mention, but by no means the only one.
Cr.
Fear not. There are persons who at no great cost are willing to save you and
bring you out of prison; and as for the informers, you may observe that they are
far from being exorbitant in their demands; a little money will satisfy them. My
means, which, as I am sure, are ample, are at your service, and if you have a
scruple about spending all mine, here are strangers who will give you the use of
theirs; and one of them, Simmias the Theban, has brought a sum of money for this
very purpose; and Cebes and many others are willing to spend their money too. I
say, therefore, do not on that account hesitate about making your escape, and do
not say, as you did in the court, that you will have a difficulty in knowing
what to do with yourself if you escape. For men will love you in other places to
which you may go, and not in Athens only; there are friends of mine in Thessaly,
if you like to go to them, who will value and protect you, and no Thessalian
will give you any trouble. Nor can I think that you are justified, Socrates, in
betraying your own life when you might be saved; this is playing into the hands
of your enemies and destroyers; and moreover I should say that you were
betraying your children; for you might bring them up and educate them; instead
of which you go away and leave them, and they will have to take their chance;
and if they do not meet with the usual fate of orphans, there will be small
thanks to you. No man should bring children into the world who is unwilling to
persevere to the end in their nurture and education. But you are choosing the
easier part, as I think, not the better and manlier, which would rather have
become one who professes virtue in all his actions, like yourself. And, indeed,
I am ashamed not only of you, but of us who are your friends, when I reflect
that this entire business of yours will be attributed to our want of courage.
The trial need never have come on, or might have been brought to another issue;
and the end of all, which is the crowning absurdity, will seem to have been
permitted by us, through cowardice and baseness, who might have saved you, as
you might have saved yourself, if we had been good for anything (for there was
no difficulty in escaping); and we did not see how disgraceful, Socrates, and
also miserable all this will be to us as well as to you. Make your mind up then,
or rather have your mind already made up, for the time of deliberation is over,
and there is only one thing to be done, which must be done, if at all, this very
night, and which any delay will render all but impossible; I beseech you
therefore, Socrates, to be persuaded by me, and to do as I say.
Soc.
Dear Crito, your zeal is invaluable, if a right one; but if wrong, the greater
the zeal the greater the evil; and therefore we ought to consider whether these
things shall be done or not. For I am and always have been one of those natures
who must be guided by reason, whatever the reason may be which upon reflection
appears to me to be the best; and now that this fortune has come upon me, I
cannot put away the reasons which I have before given: the principles which I
have hitherto honored and revered I still honor, and unless we can find other
and better principles on the instant, I am certain not to agree with you; no,
not even if the power of the multitude could inflict many more imprisonments,
confiscations, deaths, frightening us like children with hobgoblin terrors. But
what will be the fairest way of considering the question? Shall I return to your
old argument about the opinions of men, some of which are to be regarded, and
others, as we were saying, are not to be regarded? Now were we right in
maintaining this before I was condemned? And has the argument which was once
good now proved to be talk for the sake of talking; in fact an amusement only,
and altogether vanity? That is what I want to consider with your help, Crito:
whether, under my present circumstances, the argument appears to be in any way
different or not; and is to be allowed by me or disallowed. That argument,
which, as I believe, is maintained by many who assume to be authorities, was to
the effect, as I was saying, that the opinions of some men are to be regarded,
and of other men not to be regarded. Now you, Crito, are a disinterested person
who are not going to die to-morrow -- at least, there is no human probability of
this, and you are therefore not liable to be deceived by the circumstances in
which you are placed. Tell me, then, whether I am right in saying that some
opinions, and the opinions of some men only, are to be valued, and other
opinions, and the opinions of other men, are not to be valued. I ask you whether
I was right in maintaining this?
Cr.
Certainly.
Soc.
The good are to be regarded, and not the bad?
Cr.
Yes.
Soc.
And the opinions of the wise are good, and the opinions of the unwise are evil?
Cr.
Certainly.
Soc.
And what was said about another matter? Was the disciple in gymnastics supposed
to attend to the praise and blame and opinion of every man, or of one man only
-- his physician or trainer, whoever that was?
Cr.
Of one man only.
Soc.
And he ought to fear the censure and welcome the praise of that one only, and
not of the many?
Cr.
That is clear.
Soc.
And he ought to live and train, and eat and drink in the way which seems good to
his single master who has understanding, rather than according to the opinion of
all other men put together?
Cr.
True.
Soc.
And if he disobeys and disregards the opinion and approval of the one, and
regards the opinion of the many who have no understanding, will he not suffer
evil?
Cr.
Certainly he will.
Soc.
And what will the evil be, whither tending and what affcting, in the disobedient
person?
Cr.
Clearly, affecting the body; that is what is destroyed by the evil.
Soc.
Very good; and is not this true, Crito, of other things which we need not
separately enumerate? In the matter of just and unjust, fair and foul, good and
evil, which are the subjects of our present consultation, ought we to follow the
opinion of the many and to fear them; or the opinion of the one man who has
understanding, and whom we ought to fear and reverence more than all the rest of
the world: and whom deserting we shall destroy and injure that principle in us
which may be assumed to be improved by justice and deteriorated by injustice; is
there not such a principle?
Cr.
Certainly there is, Socrates.
Soc.
Take a parallel instance; if, acting under the advice of men who have no
understanding, we destroy that which is improvable by health and deteriorated by
disease -- when that has been destroyed, I say, would life be worth having? And
that is- the body?
Cr.
Yes.
Soc.
Could we live, having an evil and corrupted body?
Cr.
Certainly not.
Soc.
And will life be worth having, if that higher part of man be depraved, which is
improved by justice and deteriorated by injustice? Do we suppose that principle,
whatever it may be in man, which has to do with justice and injustice, to be
inferior to the body?
Cr.
Certainly not.
Soc.
More honored, then?
Cr.
Far more honored.
Soc.
Then, my friend, we must not regard what the many say of us: but what he, the
one man who has understanding of just and unjust, will say, and what the truth
will say. And therefore you begin in error when you suggest that we should
regard the opinion of the many about just and unjust, good and evil, honorable
and dishonorable. Well, someone will say, "But the many can kill us."
Cr.
Yes, Socrates; that will clearly be the answer.
Soc.
That is true; but still I find with surprise that the old argument is, as I
conceive, unshaken as ever. And I should like to know Whether I may say the same
of another proposition -- that not life, but a good life, is to be chiefly
valued?
Cr.
Yes, that also remains.
Soc.
And a good life is equivalent to a just and honorable one -- that holds also?
Cr.
Yes, that holds.
Soc.
From these premises I proceed to argue the question whether I ought or ought not
to try to escape without the consent of the Athenians: and if I am clearly right
in escaping, then I will make the attempt; but if not, I will abstain. The other
considerations which you mention, of money and loss of character, and the duty
of educating children, are, I fear, only the doctrines of the multitude, who
would be as ready to call people to life, if they were able, as they are to put
them to death -- and with as little reason. But now, since the argument has thus
far prevailed, the only question which remains to be considered is, whether we
shall do rightly either in escaping or in suffering others to aid in our escape
and paying them in money and thanks, or whether we shan not do rightly; and if
the latter, then death or any other calamity which may ensue on my remaining
here must not be allowed to enter into the calculation.
Cr.
I think that you are right, Socrates; how then shall we proceed?
Soc.
Let us consider the matter together, and do you either refute me if you can, and
I will be convinced; or else cease, my dear friend, from repeating to me that I
ought to escape against the wishes of the Athenians: for I am extremely desirous
to be persuaded by you, but not against my own better judgment. And now please
to consider my first position, and do your best to answer me.
Cr.
I will do my best.
Soc.
Are we to say that we are never intentionally to do wrong, or that in one way we
ought and in another way we ought not to do wrong, or is doing wrong always evil
and dishonorable, as I was just now saying, and as has been already acknowledged
by us? Are all our former admissions which were made within a few days to be
thrown away? And have we, at our age, been earnestly discoursing with one
another all our life long only to discover that we are no better than children?
Or are we to rest assured, in spite of the opinion of the many, and in spite of
consequences whether better or worse, of the truth of what was then said, that
injustice is always an evil and dishonor to him who acts unjustly? Shall we
affirm that?
Cr.
Yes.
Soc.
Then we must do no wrong?
Cr.
Certainly not.
Soc.
Nor when injured injure in return, as the many imagine; for we must injure no
one at all?
Cr.
Clearly not.
Soc.
Again, Crito, may we do evil?
Cr.
Surely not, Socrates.
Soc.
And what of doing evil in return for evil, which is the morality of the many --
is that just or not?
Cr.
Not just.
Soc.
For doing evil to another is the same as injuring him?
Cr.
Very true.
Soc.
Then we ought not to retaliate or render evil for evil to anyone, whatever evil
we may have suffered from him. But I would have you consider, Crito, whether you
really mean what you are saying. For this opinion has never been held, and never
will be held, by any considerable number of persons; and those who are agreed
and those who are not agreed upon this point have no common ground, and can only
despise one another, when they see how widely they differ. Tell me, then,
whether you agree with and assent to my first principle, that neither injury nor
retaliation nor warding off evil by evil is ever right. And shall that be the
premise of our agreement? Or do you decline and dissent from this? For this has
been of old and is still my opinion; but, if you are of another opinion, let me
hear what you have to say. If, however, you remain of the same mind as formerly,
I will proceed to the next step.
Cr.
You may proceed, for I have not changed my mind.
Soc.
Then I will proceed to the next step, which may be put in the form of a
question: Ought a man to do what he admits to be right, or ought he to betray
the right?
Cr.
He ought to do what he thinks right.
Soc.
But if this is true, what is the application? In leaving the prison against the
will of the Athenians, do I wrong any? or rather do I not wrong those whom I
ought least to wrong? Do I not desert the principles which were acknowledged by
us to be just? What do you say?
Cr.
I cannot tell, Socrates, for I do not know.
Soc.
Then consider the matter in this way: Imagine that I am about to play truant
(you may call the proceeding by any name which you like), and the laws and the
government come and interrogate me: "Tell us, Socrates," they say; "what are you
about? are you going by an act of yours to overturn us -- the laws and the whole
State, as far as in you lies? Do you imagine that a State can subsist and not be
overthrown, in which the decisions of law have no power, but are set aside and
overthrown by individuals?" What will be our answer, Crito, to these and the
like words? Anyone, and especially a clever rhetorician, will have a good deal
to urge about the evil of setting aside the law which requires a sentence to be
carried out; and we might reply, "Yes; but the State has injured us and given an
unjust sentence." Suppose I say that?
Cr.
Very good, Socrates.
Soc.
"And was that our agreement with you?" the law would sar, "or were you to abide
by the sentence of the State?" And if I were to express astonishment at their
saying this, the law would probably add: "Answer, Socrates, instead of opening
your eyes: you are in the habit of asking and answering questions. Tell us what
complaint you have to make against us which justifies you in attempting to
destroy us and the State? In the first place did we not bring you into
existence? Your father married your mother by our aid and begat you. Say whether
you have any objection to urge against those of us who regulate marriage?" None,
I should reply. "Or against those of us who regulate the system of nurture and
education of children in which you were trained? Were not the laws, who have the
charge of this, right in commanding your father to train you in music and
gymnastic?" Right, I should reply. "Well, then, since you were brought into the
world and nurtured and educated by us, can you deny in the first place that you
are our child and slave, as your fathers were before you? And if this is true
you are not on equal terms with us; nor can you think that you have a right to
do to us what we are doing to you. Would you have any right to strike or revile
or do any other evil to a father or to your master, if you had one, when you
have been struck or reviled by him, or received some other evil at his hands? --
you would not say this? And because we think right to destroy you, do you think
that you have any right to destroy us in return, and your country as far as in
you lies? And will you, O professor of true virtue, say that you are justified
in this? Has a philosopher like you failed to discover that our country is more
to be valued and higher and holier far than mother or father or any ancestor,
and more to be regarded in the eyes of the gods and of men of understanding?
also to be soothed, and gently and reverently entreated when angry, even more
than a father, and if not persuaded, obeyed? And when we are punished by her,
whether with imprisonment or stripes, the punishment is to be endured in
silence; and if she leads us to wounds or death in battle, thither we follow as
is right; neither may anyone yield or retreat or leave his rank, but whether in
battle or in a court of law, or in any other place, he must do what his city and
his country order him; or he must change their view of what is just: and if he
may do no violence to his father or mother, much less may he do violence to his
country." What answer shall we make to this, Crito? Do the laws speak truly, or
do they not?
Cr.
I think that they do.
Soc.
Then the laws will say: "Consider, Socrates, if this is true, that in your
present attempt you are going to do us wrong. For, after having brought you into
the world, and nurtured and educated you, and given you and every other citizen
a share in every good that we had to give, we further proclaim and give the
right to every Athenian, that if he does not like us when he has come of age and
has seen the ways of the city, and made our acquaintance, he may go where he
pleases and take his goods with him; and none of us laws will forbid him or
interfere with him. Any of you who does not like us and the city, and who wants
to go to a colony or to any other city, may go where he likes, and take his
goods with him. But he who has experience of the manner in which we order
justice and administer the State, and still remains, has entered into an implied
contract that he will do as we command him. And he who disobeys us is, as we
maintain, thrice wrong: first, because in disobeying us he is disobeying his
parents; secondly, because we are the authors of his education; thirdly, because
he has made an agreement with us that he will duly obey our commands; and he
neither obeys them nor convinces us that our commands are wrong; and we do not
rudely impose them, but give him the alternative of obeying or convincing us;
that is what we offer and he does neither. These are the sort of accusations to
which, as we were saying, you, Socrates, will be exposed if you accomplish your
intentions; you, above all other Athenians." Suppose I ask, why is this? they
will justly retort upon me that I above all other men have acknowledged the
agreement. "There is clear proof," they will say, "Socrates, that we and the
city were not displeasing to you. Of all Athenians you have been the most
constant resident in the city, which, as you never leave, you may be supposed to
love. For you never went out of the city either to see the games, except once
when you went to the Isthmus, or to any other place unless when you were on
military service; nor did you travel as other men do. Nor had you any curiosity
to know other States or their laws: your affections did not go beyond us and our
State; we were your especial favorites, and you acquiesced in our government of
you; and this is the State in which you begat your children, which is a proof of
your satisfaction. Moreover, you might, if you had liked, have fixed the penalty
at banishment in the course of the trial -- the State which refuses to let you
go now would have let you go then. But you pretended that you preferred death to
exile, and that you were not grieved at death. And now you have forgotten these
fine sentiments, and pay no respect to us, the laws, of whom you are the
destroyer; and are doing what only a miserable slave would do, running away and
turning your back upon the compacts and agreements which you made as a citizen.
And first of all answer this very question: Are we right in saying that you
agreed to be governed according to us in deed, and not in word only? Is that
true or not?" How shall we answer that, Crito? Must we not agree?
Cr.
There is no help, Socrates.
Soc.
Then will they not say: "You, Socrates, are breaking the covenants and
agreements which you made with us at your leisure, not in any haste or under any
compulsion or deception, but having had seventy years to think of them, during
which time you were at liberty to leave the city, if we were not to your mind,
or if our covenants appeared to you to be unfair. You had your choice, and might
have gone either to Lacedaemon or Crete, which you often praise for their good
government, or to some other Hellenic or foreign State. Whereas you, above all
other Athenians, seemed to be so fond of the State, or, in other words, of us
her laws (for who would like a State that has no laws?), that you never stirred
out of her: the halt, the blind, the maimed, were not more stationary in her
than you were. And now you run away and forsake your agreements. Not so,
Socrates, if you will take our advice; do not make yourself ridiculous by
escaping out of the city.
"For
just consider, if you transgress and err in this sort of way, what good will you
do, either to yourself or to your friends? That your friends will be driven into
exile and deprived of citizenship, or will lose their property, is tolerably
certain; and you yourself, if you fly to one of the neighboring cities, as, for
example, Thebes or Megara, both of which are well-governed cities, will come to
them as an enemy, Socrates, and their government will be against you, and all
patriotic citizens will cast an evil eye upon you as a subverter of the laws,
and you will confirm in the minds of the judges the justice of their own
condemnation of you. For he who is a corrupter of the laws is more than likely
to be corrupter of the young and foolish portion of mankind. Will you then flee
from well-ordered cities and virtuous men? and is existence worth having on
these terms? Or will you go to them without shame, and talk to them, Socrates?
And what will you say to them? What you say here about virtue and justice and
institutions and laws being the best things among men? Would that be decent of
you? Surely not. But if you go away from well-governed States to Crito's friends
in Thessaly, where there is great disorder and license, they will be charmed to
have the tale of your escape from prison, set off with ludicrous particulars of
the manner in which you were wrapped in a goatskin or some other disguise, and
metamorphosed as the fashion of runaways is -- that is very likely; but will
there be no one to remind you that in your old age you violated the most sacred
laws from a miserable desire of a little more life? Perhaps not, if you keep
them in a good temper; but if they are out of temper you will hear many
degrading things; you will live, but how? -- as the flatterer of all men, and
the servant of all men; and doing what? -- eating and drinking in Thessaly,
having gone abroad in order that you may get a dinner. And where will be your
fine sentiments about justice and virtue then? Say that you wish to live for the
sake of your children, that you may bring them up and educate them -- will you
take them into Thessaly and deprive them of Athenian citizenship? Is that the
benefit which you would confer upon them? Or are you under the impression that
they will be better cared for and educated here if you are still alive, although
absent from them; for that your friends will take care of them? Do you fancy
that if you are an inhabitant of Thessaly they will take care of them, and if
you are an inhabitant of the other world they will not take care of them? Nay;
but if they who call themselves friends are truly friends, they surely will.
"Listen,
then, Socrates, to us who have brought you up. Think not of life and children
first, and of justice afterwards, but of justice first, that you may be
justified before the princes of the world below. For neither will you nor any
that belong to you be happier or holier or juster in this life, or happier in
another, if you do as Crito bids. Now you depart in innocence, a sufferer and
not a doer of evil; a victim, not of the laws, but of men. But if you go forth,
returning evil for evil, and injury for injury, breaking the covenants and
agreements which you have made with us, and wronging those whom you ought least
to wrong, that is to say, yourself, your friends, your country, and us, we shall
be angry with you while you live, and our brethren, the laws in the world below,
will receive you as an enemy; for they will know that you have done your best to
destroy us. Listen, then, to us and not to Crito."
This is
the voice which I seem to hear murmuring in my ears, like the sound of the flute
in the ears of the mystic; that voice, I say, is humming in my ears, and
prevents me from hearing any other. And I know that anything more which you will
say will be in vain. Yet speak, if you have anything to say.
Cr.
I have nothing to say, Socrates.
Soc.
Then let me follow the intimations of the will of God.
Resource:
Institute for Learning
Technologies